The joke ceasefire is allowing these terrorists to make online skits while annihilating what's left of South Lebanese villages.

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Albert Einstein supported the idea of a cultural and spiritual Jewish homeland in Palestine but consistently opposed the creation of an exclusive, sovereign Jewish state with borders, an army, and political domination over Arabs.

Einstein supported Jewish immigration and the revival of a Jewish community and cultural life in Palestine, especially in response to rising antisemitism in Europe and the Holocaust. He rejected the idea of partitioning Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab states, warning that narrow nationalism would damage Judaism and lead to permanent conflict with Arab neighbors. Einstein advocated instead for a bi-national state where Jews and Palestinian Arabs would share equal rights and govern through mutual agreement, without British imperial rule.

Einstein strongly criticized Revisionist Zionism and right-wing groups. Following the 1948 Deir Yassin massacre, Einstein—along with Hannah Arendt and other prominent Jewish intellectuals—co-signed an open letter in the New York Times denouncing Menachem Begin’s Herut party, comparing its ideology to "fascism" and "Nazi parties."

ABU FALAH, West Bank — Ehmeid Hamayel trod cautiously along an olive grove strewn with spent tear gas canisters and burned shrubs. He motioned to his neighbor, Raed Hamayel, to hop on a ledge and yell if he saw Israeli settlers coming down the mountain as they had on four of the previous six days.

An attack on Friday by settlers, which left a Washington Post photographer, Heidi Levine, with four fractured vertebrae and a broken rib, drew international attention and sharp condemnation from Israeli opposition leaders and U.S. officials.

But to the exhausted residents of Abu Falah, surrounded by rocky hills dotted with three new settler outposts, it was just another day in a week of similar attacks, in a year spent under unrelenting siege.

On Oct. 13, dozens of masked settlers hurled rocks and tried to storm the village, northeast of Ramallah, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank.

Then, around 2 a.m. Wednesday, the settlers sneaked as far as Nader Abu Murrah’s trailer, on the outskirts of the town, and poured gasoline on the farmer as he slept in bed.

On Friday, in what appeared to be a coordinated assault, dozens streamed down the incline and attacked farmers, activists and journalists during an olive harvest. In the clash that followed as Palestinians fought back, the settlers kicked and beat Levine while she lay on the ground. She wore a vest marked PRESS on front and back.

On Saturday, the settlers were back again, harassing farmers in the same grove until Israeli security forces arrived and dispersed everyone with tear gas.

“We’re tracking them,” said Ehmeid, squinting at the tent pitched by settlers on the hilltop a few hundred yards away. If he saw movement, he and Raed, 35, a carpenter, would update a WhatsApp chat group with other villagers who volunteered to be lookouts on round-the-clock shifts.

“They’ve even tried to attack us inside our homes at least 12 times,” said Ehmeid, 38, who is a political activist and member of Fatah, the party led by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.

With Israelis facing a pivotal national election on Oct. 27 and Palestinians kicking off their month-long olive harvest, the West Bank has become a battleground.

From the outskirts of Nablus in the north to the south Hebron hills, Palestinian residents and Israeli and international monitors are reporting unprecedented numbers of settler raids, arson attacks, land seizures and theft — all largely unchecked by Israeli security forces and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, which counts settlers as a key voter base.

On Saturday, a day after the violence in Abu Falah, settlers assaulted a delegation of European diplomats outside the West Bank town of Taybeh.

Netanyahu’s office initially questioned reports of both attacks, which were recorded on video, and warned that there was a “coordinated campaign to smear Israel and the Jewish residents of Judea and Samaria during the annual olive harvest.”

A day later, Israeli security officials announced that they had launched an investigation, demolished two outposts and arrested 10 people in connection with the assaults on Levine and the Europeans.

When victims are solely Palestinians, however, such a response is rare. And Netanyahu’s critics and many in Israel’s security establishment say the frequency and brazenness of settler attacks is unlike anything they have seen in decades.

“This is the worst period ever,” said Ilan Paz, a retired Israeli general who commanded an infantry brigade in the West Bank and later headed the Israeli civil administration of the occupied territory. “The reason behind it is that the Israeli government supports it. The ministers who have the power to control it don’t want to use it — especially now, two weeks before the election.”

In the wake of the recent high-profile attacks, Defense Minister Israel Katz, who is from Netanyahu’s Likud party, reiterated that the military would not impose administrative detention on settlers charged with crimes — because law enforcement is the responsibility of the police.

Meanwhile, Itamar Ben Gvir, the National Security minister who leads the police, said that a handful of “hilltop youth” may have crossed the line in their recent attacks on Levine and diplomats but that the victims in the West Bank were Jews — not Palestinians forced from their homes.

“Let’s not forget who the real victim is here, and who the attacker is,” Ben Gvir told Israeli television.

In the rocky hills and olive-dotted plains of the West Bank, the result of the government’s indifference has been a steady crescendo of violence.

Palestinians once considered the autumn harvest a yearly celebration, marked by families sharing a cast-iron pan of sajiyeh, a meat and pepper dish, under their olive trees after a day in their orchards.

But since 2023, settler attacks and land closures ordered by the Israeli military have led to drastically downsized harvests. Palestinian farmers say they were desperate to gather this year’s crop.

To provide a protective presence in the fields, they have coordinated with Israeli and international activists, including members of the Jewish diaspora, retired Israeli officials and foreign dignitaries. But militant settlers have not been deterred.

On Saturday, Hussain Kaabneh, 50, watched from his hillside grove in Taybeh as more than a dozen settlers hurled rocks and intercepted the delegation carrying activists and European officials through the valley below. In videos posted on social media, a man speaking Hebrew was shown punching a visiting mayor from France.

A day later, Kaabneh, his wife and three sons were still on edge. Neighborhood boys were posted nearby, they said, ready to whistle if they spotted encroaching settlers. Kaabneh parked his car up the hill nearby so his family could flee without being cornered.

Even if they managed to safely gather their crop, the family said, they would return to a miserable daily existence. They park their car far from their house, because one was already burned. They sleep in shifts at home, because their windows have been smashed once before.

“I live in a prison,” Kaabneh’s wife, Muntaha, said.

Even though Netanyahu’s ministers and the government’s supporters have decried an influx of foreigners, accusing them of provoking confrontations and destabilizing the West Bank, many Palestinians say attacks have become so pervasive that they only venture into the fields when accompanied by sympathetic Israelis and international monitors.

Jill Jacobs, chief executive of the human rights group T’ruah, which brings groups of American rabbis to volunteer during the harvest, said the presence of Jewish activists sometimes helped prevent violence, sometimes not.

During the harvest last year, she recalled, settlers fired gunshots in the air and crashed a drone onto the volunteers, then reported to Israeli soldiers that people had thrown rocks at their drone. Had activists not been present, Jacobs said, Palestinian farmers might have been wrongfully arrested.

“This is how we practice our Jewish values, by accompanying the farmers,” Jacobs said. “It’s 100 percent legal for Palestinians to harvest their olives, and it’s 100 percent legal for them to bring friends and partners. Nobody is interested in provoking violence.”

Ten miles up the unusually deserted road from Taybeh, residents in Abu Falah said that Friday’s attack — just one of many since March 8, when settlers first appeared on the hilltop overlooking their village.

That first night in March, settlers descended into the olive fields and set trees on fire. When Palestinians tried to stop them, leading to a clash, settlers shot two villagers in the head, residents said.

A third villager died after he inhaled tear gas fired by soldiers attempting to clear the area, according to the Palestinian Health Ministry.

The next day, the Israeli army commander in charge of the West Bank, Avi Bluth, condemned the shootings as “unacceptable” and declared “zero tolerance” for vigilantes who “do not represent the Jewish people or the State of Israel.”

But no one was ever arrested, locals said, and within days, the raids continued.

When scores of settlers descended again on Friday morning, days after an even larger attack earlier in the week, Israeli security forces rushed to the scene. Instead of arresting the rampaging settlers, they fired tear gas into an olive grove that was quickly turning into a chaotic battlefield.

Masked settlers hurled rocks. Palestinians fought back.

Shortly after 9:30 a.m., masked men pulled up in a white pickup truck on the settlers’ side and disappeared behind a cloud of tear gas and smoke from olive trees that had been set ablaze, according to a video of the incident taken by Ehmeid Hamayel.

Jasper Nathaniel, an American freelance journalist and activist who was at the scene, recalled seeing the men in the truck bed toting M-16 rifles, which are frequently issued by the Israeli government to settlement security forces in the West Bank.

Moments later, more than a dozen gunshots rang out from the direction of the truck, but the shooter was not easily identifiable, according to eyewitnesses and videos. The Palestinians, activists and journalists scattered.

Levine, who was on assignment for The Post, fell on a dirt path and was left behind.

For several minutes, Ehmeid Hamayel watched as Levine laid in a fetal position on the ground, pleading with settlers who surrounded her and pummeled her with batons and kicks.

At one point, they dragged her about 10 yards back before continuing to beat her and stripping her of her cameras and phone. After several minutes, her screams suddenly stopped.

“We were worried we lost her,” Ehmeid recalled.

Fearful of Levine’s condition, Palestinian men began hurling rocks in a coordinated counterattack that briefly pushed the settlers back. At that point, a video filmed by the Russian-Israeli activist Andrey Khrzhanovskiy showed, Nathaniel rushed forward to help Levine to her feet. As settlers closed in again, Adele Shoko, another Russian-Israeli activist, urged her to run.

“I can’t,” Levine, seemingly in shock, told her rescuers.

“Let me die.”

Chaos raged on. About 30 minutes later, a Abu Falah resident, Abdel Jaber Shoman, 54, was shot in the leg by Israeli soldiers as he ran away from them, according to Azam Ahmed, a New York Times journalist who witnessed the shooting.

A few days later, shortly before Israeli security forces dismantled one of the outposts and arrested several settlers involved in the attack, Ehmeid surveyed the scene.

He had recovered some of Levine’s belongings that had been left in the dirt and stepped around spent Israeli tear gas canisters on the ground.

He walked past a row of shrubs blackened by an arson attack, then paused outside the home of Mustafa Za’atar, a 78-year-old U.S. citizen whose three cars were burned last month.

A few months ago, Ehmeid said, the settlers got reinforcements: Another outpost was set up on the ridge just to the south.

“It’s every day, every day,” he muttered. “We are surrounded.”

Unsurprisingly, Netanyahu is desperate to start the third intifada. He thinks he can ride a wave of violence all way to re-election, and that Europe and the US will drop all thoughts of sanctions and reduction of aid and support Israel mass murdering Palestinians if the Palestinians fight back.

He’s probably right.

Israelis aren’t going to stop being violent and European and US governments are just looking for excuses to help them mass murder brown people and solve their Palestinian problem permanently.

Source for this found here : https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1948/11/16/94952494.html?pageNumber=3

And here is a: Song For That

The Jewish community of tiberias is very important to the development of rabbinical Judaism and preservation of the Jewish people after the destruction of the temple.

Here are some “normal” teens in Israel advocating for the mass murder of Palestinian babies…

In an earlier discussion it was predicted that the nuclear attack Iran plans for Israel would exterminate/genocide/martyr the population of West Bank, Gaza and probably all of the Palestinian Arab State of Jordan too.

What do you think about these doomsday plans? Why all the condemnation against Israel and the USA for doing what they can to prevent this from happening?

There are so many people who lie for Israel on this sub and on Reddit as a whole. They really have to be called out more. They have lied non-stop for 3 years defending this genocide while laughing about mass murdering children and all the atrocities committed.

At this point it seems like everyone should know what the facts are. Here is a recent example from fact checking what I recall from the history. There should be no debate over who in the West Bank was forced off their ancestral land and are indigenous:

https://www.google.com/search?q=were+west+bank+jews+displaced+by+Jodan+during+invasion%3F

Yes, Jewish residents were expelled and displaced by Jordan from the West Bank and East Jerusalem following the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. [1, 2]

• Expulsion and Displacement: During and after the 1948 war, Jordan's Arab Legion captured East Jerusalem and the West Bank. Thousands of Jewish residents—including about 17,000 from areas like the Jewish Quarter of the Old City of Jerusalem and communities such as Kfar Etzion—were expelled or forced to flee into the newly created state of Israel. [1, 2, 3, 4]
• Destruction of Property: Under Jordanian rule, nearly all synagogues in the Old City of Jerusalem were destroyed or repurposed, the ancient Jewish cemetery on the Mount of Olives was desecrated, and Jewish-owned properties were placed under Jordanian "Enemy Property" laws. [1, 2, 3]
• Prohibition of Return: Jews were completely barred from living in or visiting these territories, including sacred sites like the Western Wall, for the 19-year period of Jordanian control until Israel captured the West Bank during the 1967 Six-Day War. [1, 2, 3]

More:

https://www.reddit.com/r/Israel_Palestine/comments/1x0og4v/from_agrarian_soil_cycles_to_purims_celebration/

https://www.reddit.com/r/HistorySnap/comments/1tk9dhw/the_3234_year_old_egyptian_merneptah_stele/

Tell me again how Arab Israelis have equal rights and aren’t second class citizens…

I would like to see the best arguments against the idea that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. If you have an article that you found interesting or convincing, please share it. Not people. Arguments. Video or textual, preferably text.

From Sydney courtrooms to US Congress, the Israel lobby is losing ground, and the Pro-Palestine movement is winning. Andrew Brown reports.

The pro-Palestine movement, in Australia and around the world, is winning more than its opponents want anyone to know.

Antoinette Lattouf beat the ABC in the Federal Court. The racial vilification case against Mary Kostakidis ended without a finding against her. Randa Abdel Fattah’s exclusion from Adelaide Writers’ Week brought the festival down and put an alternative in its place. Police dropped every charge they laid against me at Bondi. The NSW permit regime that threatened everyone’s right to assemble was taaken away by a court.

None of this happened in isolation. The same pattern is unfolding in Madrid, Dublin, London and Washington. Spain has imposed an arms embargo. Ireland has banned settlement goods. Forty United States senators voted to block military sales to Israel. Voters in Michigan and New York elected Israel critics.

The lobby’s best weapon has always been the belief that resistance is pointless.

That belief is collapsing both here and abroad.

The most useful thing this movement could do for its opponents is lose hope. Stop marching. Accept that speaking out brings only trouble. The record says otherwise.

Standing firm

Start with Adelaide. Premier Peter Malinauskas backed the removal of Abdel Fattah from Writers’ Week. Around 180 writers withdrew, and director Louise Adler resigned. A new board apologised and invited Abdel Fattah back for 2027. In March she and Adler shared a stage at Constellations, built from the wreckage.

Exclusion became expensive for the people who imposed it.

Litigation, or lawfare as it is better known, is designed to wear people down, drain their money and make them give up before any judgment arrives. Zionist Federation of Australia chief executive Alon Cassuto sued Kostakidis. The case ended by consent. No costs order. No finding of wrongdoing. Kostakidis kept talking.

My shirt said, “Fuck Israel, fuck Zionism”. Police arrested me at Bondi in November 2024, called the shirt offensive and laid three charges. I told them I would take it to a higher court and defend the shirt as political communication protected by the Constitution. Their case collapsed. Police withdrew all three charges.

Bullies retreat when someone stands up to them. My view of Israel’s conduct did not change. On social media, thousands asked where they could buy the shirt.

Lattouf’s win went further. Justice Darryl Rangiah found the ABC sacked her unlawfully for reasons that included her opposition to Israel’s campaign in Gaza. His judgment described an organised campaign by advocates for Israel to have her removed.

The broadcaster that caved paid for caving.

Israel lobby power on the wane

The courts have held a line the lobby wants erased. Justices Desmond Fagan and Angus Stewart each rejected the claim that hostility towards Israel amounts to hatred of Jews. Palestine Action Group and Blak Caucus activists overturned NSW’s public assembly restriction scheme. The ABC and SBS refused the IHRA definition that Jillian Segal pushed on them.

The lobby’s power is shrinking here too. Groups that once dictated terms are now called out in public as agents of a foreign state. The accusation of antisemitism, once career-ending, has been thrown so often that it no longer lands. Most Australians now see through the conflation.

Accountability is reaching beyond the courtroom. Eleven Australians sailed with the Global Sumud Flotilla and were seized in international waters on 18 May. Juliet Lamont came home alleging she was beaten, cable tied and raped by an Israeli soldier. After she and three other women met Penny Wong in Canberra, the Australian Federal Police opened inquiries. Lamont called it a win.

In seven decades of dealing with Israel, no Australian government has let its police examine the conduct of Israeli soldiers towards Australians. Israel’s ambassador Hillel Newman called it a mistake. It stung.

From Rome to New York – the tide is turning

Australia is not alone. Prosecutors in Rome are investigating possible kidnapping, torture and sexual assault of Italian participants. France’s anti terrorism prosecutor has opened a preliminary investigation into torture and war crimes against French ones.

What is happening here is happening everywhere the lobby operates. Intimidation is meeting defiance, and defiance is producing results.

Spain’s arms embargo and settlement import restrictions are law. So is Ireland’s ban on settlement goods. Britain, France and Canada are among twelve governments committing to, supporting or considering trade restrictions. Enforcement varies. The direction does not.

Objection is turning into cost. Outside the West, the argument is already over. South Africa took Israel to the International Court of Justice, and the Global South, almost without exception, stands behind it with a vehemence Western capitals are only beginning to register.

In the United States, 40 Senate Democrats voted to block a bulldozer sale to Israel, and 36 voted against a bomb sale. Both measures failed. A majority of Senate Democrats now vote against arming Israel. Abdul El Sayed won his Michigan primary, and Zohran Mamdani is mayor of New York. Both ran as critics of Israel.

Public opinion

Public opinion is pushing them. Pew Research found 79% of Australians view Israel unfavourably. Gallup found Americans aged 18 to 34 side with Palestinians over Israelis by 53% to 23%.

Israel has lost many American Jews too. A 2025 Washington Post poll found 61% believed Israel had committed war crimes in Gaza and about 40% believed it had committed genocide. Israel has reportedly allocated $US730m to public diplomacy this year.

Money buys attention. It does not buy belief.

The job is not done. There is still a mountain to climb. The greatest crime of this century is still being committed in Gaza, and Western governments, Australia among them, remain complicit through the arms they supply and the diplomatic cover they provide. No courtroom win in Sydney feeds a child in Khan Younis.

But take encouragement from what the movement has achieved. Israel’s power is being diminished, slowly and measurably, by the people who kept marching when they were told it was pointless.

Think of it as pulling down a dam. You pull out one stone, then another. For a long time the wall looks unchanged. Then enough stones are gone, and the wall gives way. Every charge withdrawn and every embargo signed is a stone out of that wall.

The people who kept marching should be proud of what they have done. Then they should go back and pull out another stone.

It’s everywhere but i pulled this paragraph about Palestine:

‘ Dangu of Confiant said that the malicious ads had been shown to users in "hundreds of networks in sensitive categories," including the Pentagon, the International Atomic Energy Agency, and the International Criminal Court. He also said that some regions, like the Palestinian territories, were particularly saturated by the Israeli firm's ads.

"You go to almost any site in Palestine — any site — you find a Discover-Tech ad. It gives them a very complete visibility on the digital activities of an entire country," he said. ‘

The US and US firms keep contracting with Israeli companies to work with sensitive data and infrastructure despite the fact that it’s not necessary at all and we’ve known for decades that it compromises our national security. And industrial espionage by Israel has bern ongoing since the 1940s

I had to use Google Gemini to translate.

About 20 settlers from Bat Ayin and the surrounding outposts raided a quiet, pastoral suburb of Beit Umar. Armed with clubs and petrol bombs, they came to attack and burn, setting cars on fire. This was the first pogrom in the Safa neighborhood.

A quiet and rural residential suburb, a tiny and well-kept courtyard overflowing with potted plants. If the settlers had succeeded in their exploits, this house and the two adjacent to it on either side—handsome stone homes—would have gone up in flames, perhaps with their occupants inside. Fortunately, despite the settlers' attempts, they only managed to set fire to the car parked between the houses, and the smell of smoke still rises from the charred skeleton left behind.

This was the first pogrom in Safa, a suburb of the town of Beit Umar, located between Hebron and Bethlehem. The main entrance to Beit Umar from Route 60 has been closed since October 7, like most of the main entrances to Palestinian West Bank localities. Why, exactly? Just because. The road from Hebron to the town takes about 45 minutes, roundabout through Halhul, all because of the locked iron gate. Even an alternative dirt road between Halhul and Beit Umar, which the local councils of both communities asked to pave with asphalt to ease the bumpy journey, remains broken. There is no approval for asphalt.

Reem Adi is waiting for us in the courtyard of her home. She is 45 years old and a mother of four, married to a semi-unemployed carpenter, Razi Adi, 46. She says she never had problems with settlers until Sunday, September 20. It was a routine day; Reem cleaned the house and cooked, and her eldest son, Muhammad, 17, returned earlier than usual from his job at the chicken coop in town. He has not studied since 10th grade and helps support the family. His mother offered him lunch, but he said he would wait for his father and left the house. The time was 3:30 PM.

In the blink of an eye, she heard shouting from the road, soon recognizing her son's voice. The son shouted for help toward their neighbor in the adjacent house, Majd Adi, 32. Immediately afterward, the son came running into the courtyard: "Mom, Mom, the settlers want to burn the house," he said in terror. The mother says she opened the door, and her son quickly pushed her back inside. She managed to see a group of settlers with fuel containers in their hands trying to force their way into the house.

According to her, there were about 20 masked settlers, armed with clubs, shouting, with tzitzit (fringes) poking out of their clothes, and petrol bombs in their hands. They came to burn. One of them grabbed her son by the arm, and Reem tried to free him. She describes how one settler grabbed her hair, while another hit her hand. Another settler opened the cap of a fuel bottle, threatening to pour it on her or her son, terrifying Reem. She says he also reached behind his back, and she imagined he was doing so to draw a weapon, a knife, or a pistol.

The settlers screamed at them, "Arab dogs". Reem's daughter, Rawan, 22, who was in the house with her, burst into screams of terror. Her cousin, Hala, 20, climbed onto the roof of the neighboring house and began throwing objects at the settlers gathered in the yard, causing them to flee and regroup.

The residents shut themselves inside their homes. One resident says that at this stage, the settlers split into several cells. One cell tried to invade the stone house of the neighbor on the right, Muhammad Adi. A stylish marble staircase leads to the entrance, and there, on the doorstep, one of the settlers poured the flammable liquid he carried after realizing the door was locked. At that time, the mother of the family and two of her children were home—a 14-year-old girl and an 8-year-old boy named Sajed, a heart patient who underwent open-heart surgery at Wolfson Hospital when he was two. The girls of the house managed to drive the rioters away with screams. Short, fragmented videos filmed by the residents, some with shaking hands, mostly capture the terrified screams of women and children locked in their homes as a line of frightening, uninvited guests raids them.

Meanwhile, news of the settler invasion spread through the neighborhood's WhatsApp groups, and many young men began rushing to help the residents of the three attacked houses. After the settlers failed to break into the house on the right, they moved to the one on the left. Here too, the doors were locked, so they settled for torching a Mazda 323 parked next to the house, which was completely consumed by fire. On their way out of the street, they tried to set four more cars on fire.

B'Tselem field researchers, Manal Ja'bari and Nasser Nawajah, who prepared a report on the attack, said that three cars were partially damaged after their owners managed to extinguish the flames and save them.

However, another vehicle was completely burned—a Kia jeep belonging to a neighbor whose daughter is disabled. This mini-pogrom lasted between 20 and 30 minutes before the gang departed. They came on foot and returned on foot toward Bat Ayin and its outposts, north of Safa.

On the day of the pogrom, the police and army arrived at the scene, but only one resident filed a complaint about his car being burned. The Israel Police stated to Haaretz this week: "On that very day, an investigation into the case was opened and remains ongoing with the aim of uncovering the identity of the suspects and investigating their actions accordingly."

A spectacular valley of terraces separates Safa from Bat Ayin. On the mountaintop opposite, a new outpost about three months old stands out with a giant Israeli flag; the houses of Bat Ayin are scattered across the mountainside, to the point that one can no longer tell what is an outpost and what is the original settlement.

This violent settlement, from which the Bat Ayin underground and quite a few other riots emerged, was mentioned this week as a bit of comic relief. The "Kipa" news website reported that the head of the Gush Etzion Regional Council, Yaron Rosenthal, claimed that residents and activists from outside the settlement are taking over public lands within the boundaries of the settlement itself. The regional council has already taken several steps against these Jewish land thieves, including disconnecting their electricity. Is there anything more ironic?

It is safe to assume that Council Head Rosenthal was never shocked by the violent takeover of surrounding Palestinian lands by the residents of Bat Ayin and its outposts. Take the olive groves in the valley belonging to the residents of Safa, for instance, which they can no longer approach. According to residents' estimates, between 700 and 1,000 olive trees are planted on the slope and in the valley, and they are barred from reaching them due to the terror of the settlers, whose exact goal this is. In the coming days, this will be put to the test as residents attempt to head out for the olive harvest.

The researcher Nawajah holds maps distributed by the army ahead of this year's harvest across the West Bank.

Some olive groves are marked in red, meaning coordination with the army is required to harvest the trees. Quite a few groves are marked in black, and these groves will be completely forbidden to harvest this year.

Since the violent incident on September 20, settler incursions into Safa have intensified. According to the residents, not a day goes by without them riding through the streets, mainly on motorcycles or ATVs, making slaughter gestures with their hands to the residents. A few days after the attack, another violent incident occurred here. On the 27th of last month, two settlers riding a motorcycle tried to invade Safa, claiming that children had thrown stones at them.

Majd's father, Ismail, 60, went out to meet them wearing a motorcycle helmet, just like his two attackers who arrived on a motorcycle in helmets. A video shows one of the settlers drawing his weapon and firing toward Ismail's feet, likely to scare him. The two bullets did not hit him; they struck the ground and injured no one. The IDF arrived that day and fired tear gas—at the residents, of course.

A Mitsubishi jeep approaches the street where Reem lives. Its windshield is smashed, the handiwork of one of the intruders during the first attack. In Reem's backyard, through which the settlers retreated, there is a corrugated metal wall spray-painted with the words: "Nekama. Pigua" (Revenge. Terrorist Attack). The graffiti is in red and, of course, in Hebrew. No one has erased it so far.

This piece is very instructive. Genocide prominent Konstantin Kisin argued passionately that Israel can mass murder as many Palestinian civilians, including children, as they like. He felt that October 7 justified everything and that Palestinians are to blame if Israel decides to commit genocide.

Israelis obviously felt the same way, hence the genocide.

Dave Smith pushed back against that and pointed out, very politely, all the dozens of ways that Kisin is wrong, from really stupid analogies to genocidal rhetoric. Kisin was forced to jump around from one hypothetical to another to try and justify murdering 20,000 children.

At the end of the day neither changed their mind. Smith thought genocide and the mass murder if children’s wrong and Kisin thought it was correct if it was Israel doing it.

When Smith was talking about how it’s morally wrong to starve women and children in Gaza, Kisin’s face very clearly said “no, starving Palestinian women and children is always fine!” You can’t expect morality from most Zionists. They just don’t understand the concept.