Match Group's total paying users fell 5% year-over-year in the first quarter of 2026, to 13.5 million — even as revenue per payer rose 10%, to $20.90. Bumble's contraction was sharper still: total paying users down 21.1% year-over-year, to 3.2 million, with the company explicitly describing the drop as a deliberate "reset" of its member base toward higher-intent users. Revenue at Bumble fell 14.1% — a smaller decline than the user drop, because average revenue per paying user rose nearly 9% over the same period.

Combine the two companies and the shape of the problem sharpens. Match Group and Bumble together shed roughly 1.55 million paying subscribers over twelve months — on the order of 4,000 departures a day — while their combined revenue moved by less than a tenth of a percentage point. In almost any other consumer category, a business losing customers at that rate while holding revenue flat through price increases on the customers who remain would be described, accurately, as a shrinking market propped up by pricing power.

Bumble has recently been bought out btw - https://techcrunch.com/2026/10/13/bumble-agrees-to-a-1-3b-acquisition-deal-as-online-dating-faces-a-reset/

Online dating's public companies don't report a metric that maps neatly onto GDP, but the closest analog — paying subscribers, the actual unit being transacted — has now contracted for multiple consecutive years running, not quarters. Tinder's paying user base has been in year-over-year decline for more than two years. Bumble's has fallen for several consecutive quarters and shows no near-term guidance for a rebound; the company's own Q2 2026 forecast anticipates continued softness while a full platform rebuild plays out.

Average session length on dating apps fell from just over 13 minutes in 2024 to under 11.5 minutes in 2025. Roughly three in four users report experiencing swipe fatigue. The typical paying user produces fewer than two in-person dates a year from the product they're subscribing to — a conversion rate that would be considered a crisis in almost any other subscription category measured by outcome rather than engagement.

Match Group has committed roughly $60 million toward AI and product development at Tinder specifically. Bumble is not iterating on its existing platform at all — it is building an entirely new, AI-first, cloud-native product from the ground up, with a full relaunch pushed to the fourth quarter of 2026.

The pullback has been mostly felt in the North American and European markets, where customers are, on average, less likely to buy a subscription or are paying for shorter periods than in previous years. Even so, North America still commands over 50 percent of revenue in the dating app market.

Alongside Tinder and Bumble slipping, many of the older, ‘evergreen’ platforms such as Plenty of Fish, Match.com and Badoo also reported declines in revenue. Not only are fewer people using these apps, but there is also a smaller pool inclined to pay for premium services.

https://www.businessofapps.com/news/dating-app-market-first-annual-revenue-decline/

Four children allegedly ‘mutilated’ by explosive weapons and lawyers say unprecedented number held in custody

French lawyers and rights groups have said that several teenagers have suffered war-like injuries from police weapons used during school protests, and an unprecedented number of children have been held in police custody, some of whom reported being hit or racially insulted.

France is in the fourth week of its biggest youth protest movement in decades, during which hundreds of high schools across the country have been blockaded as students demand the replacement of absent teachers and repairs to decrepit buildings.

Police have opened internal investigations into 36 allegations of officer violence against demonstrators, including four children allegedly being “mutilated” by explosive weapons, and six sustaining “significant injuries”, as well as other complaints over physical blows, insults or alleged sexual assault, the interior minister, Laurent Nuñez, told the senate.

Evan, a 15-year-old studying carpentry at a vocational high school, had a hand blown off in the explosion of a police stun grenade outside a school protest in Lens, northern France, on 5 October. His lawyer, Bertrand Wattez, said: “His injuries resemble war injuries.”

Wattez said Evan had gone to school to attend class and discovered a protest under way. He said Evan had not taken part in violence and denied the Béthune state prosecutor’s assertion that the grenade had been picked up from the ground. When the grenade exploded, Evan lost his left hand, several fingers from his right hand and suffered injuries to other parts of his body. He remained in hospital “in a very difficult condition” and his family had filed a criminal complaint, Wattez said.

Another boy, Eden, 14 – who had been near a school protest in Saint-Ouen-l’Aumône, north-west of Paris – suffered extensive facial injuries, including two fractures to his jaw, the loss of his bottom teeth and all his top teeth broken after he was allegedly hit by a shot from a grenade launcher.

His lawyer, Elsa Marcel, said the shot from a grenade launcher was fired at close range, from a distance of 1.5 metres. “This is the equivalent of war weaponry,” she said. The family has filed a legal complaint for attempted murder.

Eden’s parents said he had gone to school but found it blockaded and had wanted to go home. Video footage appeared to show him facing three riot police officers. One officer hit out in his direction with a truncheon and Eden kicked in the direction of the police before a grenade shot was fired. An officer has been suspended and placed under official investigation.

This week, a police officer in the western city of Tours was charged with aggravated battery after Maël, a 16-year-old at a vocational high school, lost the use of his eye allegedly after a shot from a form of rubber-bullet launcher. The officer denies the charges. The family’s lawyer said Maël had not been involved in any violent confrontation with police but had simply been present at a school protest, and that the family felt a sense of “injustice”.

By Daniel Tilles

Poland will hold parliamentary elections a year from now. The outcome will decide who governs the country for the next four years – although, given how close the polls are, and with questions over coalition formation, it could also result in uncertainty, chaos, and even new elections being called.

Below, we explain how the elections work, which parties will be standing, what kind of outcomes are possible, and which issues may animate the campaign.

When will the election take place?

Assuming early elections are not called, the vote must take place on a non-working day in the last 30 days before the end of the current four-year parliamentary term, which began on 13 November 2023.

Because elections in Poland are held on Sundays, that gives four possible dates: 17, 24 or 31 October, or 7 November (though 1 November and 11 November, which are public holidays, are also theoretically possible).

It is the president, Karol Nawrocki, who will choose the date. He must do so no later than 90 days before the end of the current parliamentary term.

How does voting work?

The 460 members of the more powerful lower house, the Sejm, are elected through proportional representation, meaning that seats are distributed more or less on the basis of the share of the vote parties receive (using the so-called D’Hondt method for allocating seats from electoral lists put forward by each party). However, parties must receive at least 5% of the vote nationally to enter parliament (a figure that rises to 8% for coalitions of parties who stand on a single electoral list).

The 100 members of the upper-house Senate are chosen through a first-past-the-post system similar to how members of the US Congress or British House of Commons are elected, with the candidate in each district that receives the most votes winning the seat.

How is a government formed?

A government can only be formed if it has the support of a majority in the Sejm.

After the elections, the president designates a prime minister, who is tasked with forming a government – which would almost certainly be made up of a coalition of parties – that must then win a vote of confidence in the Sejm.

If they fail to do so (as happened in 2023), the Sejm votes to choose an alternative prime minister, who likewise must try to form a government that has the confidence of the Sejm.

If that fails, the president has a second chance to pick a prime minister, who must again win a confidence vote. If that does not work, then parliament is dissolved and new elections are called.

Who is likely to form the next government?

At the moment, it is incredibly difficult to say. Polls suggest an even split in support between parties generally aligned with Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s ruling coalition – which ranges from left to centre right – and the right-wing opposition. However, the 5% electoral threshold complicates the picture.

According to current polling averages compiled by Polish website eWybory and Politico Europe, Tusk’s centrist Civic Coalition (KO) leads with 32%. One of its coalition partners, The Left (Lewica), is on 7%, while two others, the centre-right Polish People’s Party (PSL) and centrist Poland 2050 (Polska 2050), are on around 3% and 1%, respectively. Another left-wing party, Together (Razem), which previously caucused with the ruling coalition but split in 2024, is on around 4%.

Meanwhile, the national-conservative Law and Justice (PiS), the largest opposition party, is on 20%. Two far-right opposition groups, Confederation (Konfederacja) and Confederation of the Polish Crown (KKP), have 14% and 9%, respectively. The right-wing Development Plus (Rozwój Plus), which broke away from PiS this year, is at around 5%.

If we treat those as two potential blocs, parties more or less aligned with the current government are on around 47% while the right-wing opposition is on 48%. However, PSL and Poland 2050 currently look likely to fall below the 5% threshold if they stand alone, meaning votes for them would not count. That would significantly harm Tusk’s chances of forming a new government. If Rozwój Plus stood alone and fell below the threshold, that would harm the opposition.

It is therefore likely that, as the elections draw nearer, parties that seem likely to fall below 5% will seek to join forces with other groups. In 2023, PSL and Poland 2050 stood together in the so-called Third Way (Trzecia Droga) alliance. But they have made clear they do not intend to do that again. That leaves them with limited options. They could join forces with KO on a single electoral list, but that does not guarantee that their voters will follow them. Indeed, some may baulk at voting for Tusk’s party.

Meanwhile, there are some wildcards in the pack. KKP, led by radical-right extremist Grzegorz Braun, is shunned by the mainstream right for its antisemitism, anti-Americanism and sympathy towards Russia. PiS’s leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, has declared that he would not allow Braun to join government. Development Plus has taken a similar position. Both parties value relations with the US and the Trump administration, whose ambassador to Poland has reportedly pushed them to rule out working with Braun.

However, if KKP maintains its current level of support, it looks almost impossible for the opposition to form a parliamentary majority without it, meaning there would be a strong temptation to somehow work with Braun. Kaczyński’s determination to remove Tusk from power may outweigh his dislike of Braun and desire to keep the Americans onside.

The Together party – if it manages to pass the 5% threshold – could likewise represent a challenge for Tusk when forming a coalition, given that it has criticised the government for failing to keep promises on healthcare spending, public sector pay, and liberalising the abortion law.

There also remains the possibility of some elements from each camp joining the other side – either entire parties or individual MPs defecting – in order to help form a government.

PiS has long sought to tempt PSL to its side (and recent reports suggest that even President Donald Trump tried to persuade PSL’s leader, Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, to do so). It is conceivable that Rozwój Plus could work with parts of the current ruling camp, though its hatred of Tusk would make that very difficult.

All of the difficulties outlined above mean there is a significant chance that it will not be possible for anyone to form a government, necessitating fresh elections – something that has never happened before in Poland. If that happens, it would mean uncertainty and a lack of clear leadership at a time when Poland is facing major security challenges and a worsening fiscal situation.

What about the Senate?

The Senate, like the Sejm, is currently controlled by the ruling coalition. Indeed, Tusk has an even larger majority there than in the lower house, making it harder for the opposition to flip. Although the Senate is much weaker than the Sejm – and control of it does not determine who forms the government – it does have some powers that make it a useful asset.

It can slow down the passage of legislation, though not block it. The Senate also must approve the appointment of certain officials, such as the heads of the Supreme Audit Office (NIK) and the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), as well as the Commissioner for Human Rights (RPO).

The upper house is also required to approve proposals by the president to hold national referendums. This year, the Senate has twice blocked moves by Nawrocki to hold a referendum on EU climate policies.

In a situation where Tusk’s coalition controlled the Sejm, and was therefore still in government, but the right-wing opposition held the Senate, that would give the president a powerful tool to call referendums on policies important to him and the opposition.

To that end, there have been calls for the right-wing and far-right opposition to form a so-called Senate pact, of the type that Tusk and his allies used to win control of the upper house in 2019 and 2023.

What that means in practice is that the parties forming the pact agree to stand only one candidate between them in each of the 100 Senate districts, making it more likely that they will scoop up votes from supporters of all the parties in the pact and win the winner-takes-all contest.

What role will Nawrocki play in all of this?

Presidents are in theory expected to be non-partisan. In practice, however, they will seek to boost parties or coalitions aligned with them, and with whom it will be easier to work.

Since Nawrocki was elected last year, relations and cooperation between the president and government have reached unprecedently low levels. Within just 10 months, Nawrocki had vetoed more bills than any previous president in history over their entire terms. He has made it abundantly clear that he would prefer to work with a government formed from the right-wing opposition.

However, the extent to which he will be involved in the election campaign is unclear. Some figures on the right hope that Nawrocki will act as a figurehead, using his positive relations with parties across the right-wing opposition to bring them together.

In practical terms, this could involve him acting as the patron of a Senate pact (something the head of Nawrocki’s cabinet recently said the president was willing to do), as well as helping right-wing parties form a coalition government after the elections.

Nawrocki also continues to enjoy strong approval ratings among the conservative electorate, meaning that his presence during the election campaign could act as a boost for the opposition.

What issues are likely to feature in the campaign?

A major issue will be the question of sovereignty. The right-wing opposition accuses Tusk of being Brussels’ and Berlin’s lapdog, handing over ever more power to the EU and prioritising Germany’s interests over Poland’s.

The ruling coalition, meanwhile, argues that PiS is too beholden to the Trump administration and warns that the opposition is pushing Poland towards “Polexit” from the EU, which would leave the country isolated and vulnerable, as well as much poorer.

Those battle lines extend to security policy too, with the Tusk government shifting emphasis towards Europe as a defence partner but PiS insisting that only the US can truly guarantee Poland’s security. Poland’s desire to host a new permanent US military base has already become highly politicised. If progress stalls, the opposition will blame the government. If Washington confirms that the base will go ahead, Nawrocki will seek to take the credit, based on his good relationship with Trump.

On this point, though, it is worth noting the split within the opposition. While PiS and Rozwój Plus are strongly pro-American, Confederation and, to an even greater extent, KKP, are opposed to a greater US presence in Poland.

Where the right-wing opposition has been united, however, is on pushing for a tougher position towards Ukraine and Ukrainian refugees in Poland.

While tensions have calmed significantly since the crisis sparked in May by President Volodymyr Zelensky naming a military unit after a group that massacred Poles in World War Two, it is likely that relations with Ukraine and the large-scale presence of Ukrainians in Poland will remain important issues during the election campaign.

The ruling coalition, meanwhile, will be keen to emphasise its tough overall approach to immigration, which it says was out of control under the former PiS government. It can point to the falling number of new residence permits being issued, the growing number of deportations, and tougher measures on the Belarus border, including a ban on asylum claims.

The economy, public finances and cost of living are also likely to be major issues.

As long as the current global energy crisis sparked by the conflict around Iran continues, the opposition will seek to place the blame for record fuel prices on the government. They will also cite large deficits and the ballooning public debt as evidence that Tusk is mismanaging the economy.

The ruling coalition will point to continued strong economic growth and blame Nawrocki, who has vetoed revenue-generating tax bills, for the fiscal situation.

Daniel Tilles

Daniel Tilles is editor-in-chief of Notes from Poland. He has written on Polish affairs for a wide range of publications, including Foreign Policy, POLITICO Europe, EUobserver and Dziennik Gazeta Prawna.

South Korea also offers fathers the longest period of paid parental leave at 82 weeks, followed by Japan at 48 weeks and Hungary at 42.1 weeks.

South Korea = 0.68 children per woman

Japan = 1.2 children per woman

Hungary = 1.3 children per woman

The Singapore-registered container ship GFS Pride was struck on Tuesday while passing through the strait, catching fire and later sinking, according to the Maritime and Port Authority of Singapore. All crew members were safely evacuated.

The merchant vessel Cape Dao, registered under Antigua and Barbuda, also sank, according to data from the International Maritime Organization (IMO) on Wednesday – after it was first hit by projectile on September 23. One Indian crew member was killed.

While many vessels have been hit in the Strait of Hormuz this year, these are only the second and third to have sunk in the Middle East since the Iran war began in February, according to IMO data. Attacks have ramped up significantly since the end of September, once again reducing the amount of oil transiting out of the Middle East and raising oil prices around the world.

So recently there's been a flurry of reports about how the US is succeeding at opening up the Strait, with claims of oil flows being back to "near normal levels". Seems like Iran is now changing that -

Only 4.147 million barrels of oil successfully transited the Strait of Hormuz on Monday – less than a quarter of pre-war levels, according to maritime data tracking service Kpler. And the seven-day average of oil flow through Hormuz has dropped sharply since early October, Kpler’s data shows.

In other news, the Houthis have just struck the HQ of Saudi Aramco - https://edition.cnn.com/2026/10/13/middleeast/saudi-strikes-houthi-fuel-depot-latam-intl