https://www.instagram.com/p/Deht-8Uh1N3/

I learned about this tragedy as I was looking into what the deadliest pre-1940s slaughter of Jews was. When I revisited a (Zionist) synagogue for Tishʻa BʼAv, I was baffled that the Rabbi completely omitted this disaster when going through a list of other anti-Jewish massacres.

It saddens me that more people don’t know about it.

Click here if you have time to learn more (nine-minute read).

Noor has been messaging me on Instagram, asking for money for her and her 2-year-old daughter, Amal, so they can afford milk and diapers for Amal, as well as food and shelter for both of them. I don't have much money to spare, but I made a small donation. I hope that everyone who sees this post either donates money directly or shares it to someone else who can donate (or both).

Yesterday, the community of Turmusaya experienced awful violence in a horrifying terrorist attack by settler terrorists with clubs and slingshots.

While this violence is incredibly shocking, it is not surprising. The settlers coordinate (often with the army,) they plan, they schedule their terrorism. The harvest before the attack was at a frenzied pace, to try and harvest as much as they could before settlers came. Today they're going to attempt the same, and I hope they have a peaceful, quiet day.

Yesterday Rabbis for Human Rights and Standing Together also brought more than 100 volunteers into the field for a quiet harvest in another part of the West Bank.

Support the Harvest is an initiative of Rabbis for Human Rights to bring international volunteers in to assist- currently there are about 250 volunteers, which works out to an average of 60 additional volunteers on the ground per week, harvesting 5 days per week.

This is a call to action. Rabbis for Human Rights has incredibly low risk tolerance which is what allows us to bring elderly volunteers out with the promise of safety. We can't always ensure a quiet day, but thanks to the help of our Palestinian allies, we won't be caught off guard by settlers, and are able to clear out of areas before violence begins.

Join the Harvest from within the land here - https://web-production-40e4f.up.railway.app/register/____________olive_harvest_registration_2026

has anyone noticed an exponential skyrocket in like groyper apologism, n*zi stuff, medieval peasant antisemitism among “leftists?” or just like vitriolic hatred toward “jews” and silencing any criticism of “it’s actually not leftist to say an ethnic group is inherently evil due to their innate nature” with “jews are just a religion” or “shut up about jewish feelings” (which is actually a reasonable request i agree with in other contexts, like speaking over palestinians and making things about our moral reckoning or prioritizing jewish scholars etc., but that’s not what this is being used as.)
recently bad empanada who was on the bad hasbara show last year so clearly didn’t have a problem with every single jew put out a crazy video abt how we are in fact evil and everyone agreed. rathbone who is followed by several people i respect is making “it’s the jews” memes too, and “ireallyhateyou” who is an ex israeli straight up posted that medieval blood libel really happened and that jews ritually abuse and drink the blood of children. and it’s not just online too.
i’m seeing a ton of it in offline spaces from hardcore activists to basically apolitical liberal people who think the genocide is bad. i think epstein may have been the tipping point? but it feels like you can’t exist even as a completely antizionist jew like fully supportive of the resistance and everything without people blaming you for columbus and the transatlantic slave trade, denying the holocaust, calling you inbred and ugly, and accusing your entire culture of some innate inherited predisposition toward evil.
i don’t know what to make of it. i think the abuse of antisemitism claims for zionist purposes was a bit of a boy who cried wolf because i have been in the movement since 2021 and i have never seen anything like this whatsoever. :(

(This extract takes four minutes to read.)

Nevertheless, this identification with the Ten lost Tribes had ambivalent implications for the ‘American Indians’. Their philosemitic idealization could easily turn into fierce rejection, which again referred back to older anti-Jewish stereotypes. It was the Pequot War (1636–8) which ended the relatively peaceful coexistence between the Pequot people and the New England settlers.⁵⁹

As the expanded ‘mission to the Indians’ did not meet the Puritans’ high expectations and social tensions within the settler community came to the fore, King Philip’s War — also known as the Great Indian War — in 1675 led to the rise of the older proto-racist notion of the ‘wild’ and ‘primitive’ origins of the ‘American Indians’.⁶⁰

Anti-Jewish stereotypes were increasingly projected onto the ‘Indians’, who from then on were more clearly identified with Gog and Magog as cruel, threatening, apocalyptic destroyers.⁶¹ Thus the demonizing variant of the Ten lost Tribes theory rose to the surface once again.⁶²

Similar lines of reasoning can be discerned in other colonized parts of the world, as Tudor Parfitt has demonstrated. For example, the supposedly negative characteristics of the Khoi Khoi (the so-called ‘Hottentots’), whose status as members of the genus humanum was called into question, were also attributed to their alleged Jewish heritage.⁶³

In 1612, Patrick Copland claimed to have observed similarities between Khoi Khoi and Jewish rites,⁶⁴ an observation which the German South African scholar Peter Kolb (1675–1726) confirmed as late as 1700.⁶⁵

And the threatening military successes of the Māori in New Zealand were explained with reference to their supposedly Jewish ancestry and some striking similarities in trade practices and language, as Parfitt has shown.⁶⁶

The British missionaries, who mainly came from the lower middle class, were familiar with few texts apart from the Holy Scriptures or the ancient classics, which they used to decipher unknown territories and their inhabitants.⁶⁷ Accordingly, the biblical image of the Jew, however ambivalently interpreted, was often used to explain the appearance or behaviour of foreign or unfamiliar groups.⁶⁸ The ‘invented identity of a known other’ was imposed on unknown (colonized) peoples.⁶⁹

This way of seeing colonized people as ‘Jewish’ transferred deeply ambivalent character attributions from medieval and early modern religious contexts into the modern era, thus becoming an integral part of the colonial racialization process.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, certain allegedly Jewish racial characteristics were still being derived from an assumed similarity between Jewish and colonized groups. The English schoolmaster and historian John Bigland (1750–1832), who summarized the common philosophical positions on the category of ‘race’ for a wider readership, described the case of an Englishman who, in his first contact with the Indian Kashmiris, was extremely surprised because to them they looked so similar to the Jews — so much so that he immediately believed he had been transferred to a ‘nation of Jews’.⁷⁰

For Bigland, this case served as evidence that Jews could maintain their appearance (especially their fair skin) over long periods of time and despite reproductive links with native peoples. References to the colonial context therefore played an important rôle in the racialization of European Jews.

Conversely, anti-Jewish stereotypes in European Enlightenment circles were legitimized by resorting not only to religious arguments but also to colonial discourse. As the philosopher Voltaire informed his educated French readership in a 1764 encyclopaedia article, Jews had not only made ‘human sacrifices’ but had themselves been ‘cannibals’, similar to the ‘Tentirytes’ in Egypt, the ‘Gascons’, the ‘Saguntines’ and so-called ‘savages’ from the Mississippi region. But Jews were inferior even to these ‘savages’, because they offered ‘human sacrifices (especially young women) without economic necessity’.⁷¹

The equation of Jews with ‘savages’ was associated with a division into ‘good’ past Jews and ‘bad’ present Jews.⁷² In the eighteenth century, the colonized were located not only in other places but also in other eras.

Thus, at the end of the nineteenth century, German colonialists such as Carl Peters, Karl Mauch and Leo Frobenius were able to use the idea of the ‘noble Jew’ of the past to valorize certain indigenous groups (who were to be won as allies), and at the same time to propagate the antisemitic version of the ‘dirty, money-greedy Jew’ of the present. Carl Peters wrote the following about a people group adjacent to Rhodesia:

How absolutely Jewish is the type of this people! They have faces cut exactly like those of ancient Jews who live around Eden. And the way they wear their hair, the curls behind the ears, and the beard drawn out in single curls, gives them the appearance of Aden — or of Polish — Jews of the good old type.⁷³

The description of Jews as ‘noble savages’ from a submerged, historic age correlated with the trend towards the valorization of ‘young nations’ and a ‘cult of the primitive’ within Europe.⁷⁴ Whereas the philosopher David Hume had placed the Barbarian Germanic tribes on the lowest level of the inner-European ‘racial hierarchy’, following Christoph Meiner’s publications, Germans could regard themselves as the ‘epitome of European civilization’ precisely because of their ‘primitive’ powers.⁷⁵

[…]

In order to legitimize colonialism and slavery, anti-Black racism had consolidated to such an extent that it could now, in turn, serve as a model for a racializing anti-Judaism in Europe. Thus the figure of the Black in Voltaire’s text becomes the model (‘comme nous voyons les Nègres’) from which he derives his constructions of what is Jewish.

Shortly thereafter, by transferring ideas from anti-Black racism, Prussian Jews could be imagined as ‘colonial subjects’ who had to prove their right to exist and their ‘usefulness’ to the state through slave-like labour in (soon to be colonized) eastern Prussia or outside Europe. As Jonathan Hess worked out, between 1774 and 1819 alone, there were about forty proposals to exile the Jews overseas, on sugarcane plantations and in various colonial territories.¹⁰⁰

(Emphasis added.)

https://www.gofundme.com/f/sos-from-gaza-y4x3p

https://x.com/SimplySubstance/status/2110946795773657319

https://x.com/curtisdaly_/status/2111096861348286654

https://www.facebook.com/meidastouch/posts/jewish-american-photojournalist-heidi-levine-who-works-for-the-washington-post-w/1472858765035722/

https://www.cnn.com/2026/10/16/media/washington-post-journalist-israeli-settler-attack-intl

https://www.instagram.com/p/DejxRrYFNnb/

Debate bros in shambles.
Let's get this Rabbi a new job!

Check the comments on the original post 🤣

Rabbi Yehuda Kaploun, the US Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, on JNS:

"How are people allowed to protest this massive, you know, what they want to call genocide of people in Gaza?!"

Then he explained why it's fine: "There are plenty of people in Hiroshima, Nagasaki, the bombing of Dresden. When you go to war, you create havoc. Unfortunately, that's what happens."

Havoc. Like weather. Like it just happens.

His job is fighting antisemitism. He's using it to argue that protesting a war shouldn't be allowed, and that mass civilian death is just the cost of doing business.

That's the whole pitch, in one minute, on camera.

https://x.com/Compass_Report/status/2110840768080552355

Hi! I am writing my Master's thesis on Israeli-public facing civil society organisations (CSOs) with a focus on how CSOs with different theories of change understand their role in conflict transformation. Inspired by Bar-Tal's theory of socio-psychological barriers to peace, I'm doing a two-step analysis with first analysing the way selected CSOs present their goals, limitations etc online, and then interviewing a select few from the list.

I was wondering whether there was an Israeli person here (living there or having moved abroad doesn't matter!) that could verify my interpretations, given my outsider position to the research topic (I'm Polish!)? :)

I had to use Google Gemini to translate.

About 20 settlers from Bat Ayin and the surrounding outposts raided a quiet, pastoral suburb of Beit Umar. Armed with clubs and petrol bombs, they came to attack and burn, setting cars on fire. This was the first pogrom in the Safa neighborhood.

A quiet and rural residential suburb, a tiny and well-kept courtyard overflowing with potted plants. If the settlers had succeeded in their exploits, this house and the two adjacent to it on either side—handsome stone homes—would have gone up in flames, perhaps with their occupants inside. Fortunately, despite the settlers' attempts, they only managed to set fire to the car parked between the houses, and the smell of smoke still rises from the charred skeleton left behind.

This was the first pogrom in Safa, a suburb of the town of Beit Umar, located between Hebron and Bethlehem. The main entrance to Beit Umar from Route 60 has been closed since October 7, like most of the main entrances to Palestinian West Bank localities. Why, exactly? Just because. The road from Hebron to the town takes about 45 minutes, roundabout through Halhul, all because of the locked iron gate. Even an alternative dirt road between Halhul and Beit Umar, which the local councils of both communities asked to pave with asphalt to ease the bumpy journey, remains broken. There is no approval for asphalt.

Reem Adi is waiting for us in the courtyard of her home. She is 45 years old and a mother of four, married to a semi-unemployed carpenter, Razi Adi, 46. She says she never had problems with settlers until Sunday, September 20. It was a routine day; Reem cleaned the house and cooked, and her eldest son, Muhammad, 17, returned earlier than usual from his job at the chicken coop in town. He has not studied since 10th grade and helps support the family. His mother offered him lunch, but he said he would wait for his father and left the house. The time was 3:30 PM.

In the blink of an eye, she heard shouting from the road, soon recognizing her son's voice. The son shouted for help toward their neighbor in the adjacent house, Majd Adi, 32. Immediately afterward, the son came running into the courtyard: "Mom, Mom, the settlers want to burn the house," he said in terror. The mother says she opened the door, and her son quickly pushed her back inside. She managed to see a group of settlers with fuel containers in their hands trying to force their way into the house.

According to her, there were about 20 masked settlers, armed with clubs, shouting, with tzitzit (fringes) poking out of their clothes, and petrol bombs in their hands. They came to burn. One of them grabbed her son by the arm, and Reem tried to free him. She describes how one settler grabbed her hair, while another hit her hand. Another settler opened the cap of a fuel bottle, threatening to pour it on her or her son, terrifying Reem. She says he also reached behind his back, and she imagined he was doing so to draw a weapon, a knife, or a pistol.

The settlers screamed at them, "Arab dogs". Reem's daughter, Rawan, 22, who was in the house with her, burst into screams of terror. Her cousin, Hala, 20, climbed onto the roof of the neighboring house and began throwing objects at the settlers gathered in the yard, causing them to flee and regroup.

The residents shut themselves inside their homes. One resident says that at this stage, the settlers split into several cells. One cell tried to invade the stone house of the neighbor on the right, Muhammad Adi. A stylish marble staircase leads to the entrance, and there, on the doorstep, one of the settlers poured the flammable liquid he carried after realizing the door was locked. At that time, the mother of the family and two of her children were home—a 14-year-old girl and an 8-year-old boy named Sajed, a heart patient who underwent open-heart surgery at Wolfson Hospital when he was two. The girls of the house managed to drive the rioters away with screams. Short, fragmented videos filmed by the residents, some with shaking hands, mostly capture the terrified screams of women and children locked in their homes as a line of frightening, uninvited guests raids them.

Meanwhile, news of the settler invasion spread through the neighborhood's WhatsApp groups, and many young men began rushing to help the residents of the three attacked houses. After the settlers failed to break into the house on the right, they moved to the one on the left. Here too, the doors were locked, so they settled for torching a Mazda 323 parked next to the house, which was completely consumed by fire. On their way out of the street, they tried to set four more cars on fire.

B'Tselem field researchers, Manal Ja'bari and Nasser Nawajah, who prepared a report on the attack, said that three cars were partially damaged after their owners managed to extinguish the flames and save them.

However, another vehicle was completely burned—a Kia jeep belonging to a neighbor whose daughter is disabled. This mini-pogrom lasted between 20 and 30 minutes before the gang departed. They came on foot and returned on foot toward Bat Ayin and its outposts, north of Safa.

On the day of the pogrom, the police and army arrived at the scene, but only one resident filed a complaint about his car being burned. The Israel Police stated to Haaretz this week: "On that very day, an investigation into the case was opened and remains ongoing with the aim of uncovering the identity of the suspects and investigating their actions accordingly."

A spectacular valley of terraces separates Safa from Bat Ayin. On the mountaintop opposite, a new outpost about three months old stands out with a giant Israeli flag; the houses of Bat Ayin are scattered across the mountainside, to the point that one can no longer tell what is an outpost and what is the original settlement.

This violent settlement, from which the Bat Ayin underground and quite a few other riots emerged, was mentioned this week as a bit of comic relief. The "Kipa" news website reported that the head of the Gush Etzion Regional Council, Yaron Rosenthal, claimed that residents and activists from outside the settlement are taking over public lands within the boundaries of the settlement itself. The regional council has already taken several steps against these Jewish land thieves, including disconnecting their electricity. Is there anything more ironic?

It is safe to assume that Council Head Rosenthal was never shocked by the violent takeover of surrounding Palestinian lands by the residents of Bat Ayin and its outposts. Take the olive groves in the valley belonging to the residents of Safa, for instance, which they can no longer approach. According to residents' estimates, between 700 and 1,000 olive trees are planted on the slope and in the valley, and they are barred from reaching them due to the terror of the settlers, whose exact goal this is. In the coming days, this will be put to the test as residents attempt to head out for the olive harvest.

The researcher Nawajah holds maps distributed by the army ahead of this year's harvest across the West Bank.

Some olive groves are marked in red, meaning coordination with the army is required to harvest the trees. Quite a few groves are marked in black, and these groves will be completely forbidden to harvest this year.

Since the violent incident on September 20, settler incursions into Safa have intensified. According to the residents, not a day goes by without them riding through the streets, mainly on motorcycles or ATVs, making slaughter gestures with their hands to the residents. A few days after the attack, another violent incident occurred here. On the 27th of last month, two settlers riding a motorcycle tried to invade Safa, claiming that children had thrown stones at them.

Majd's father, Ismail, 60, went out to meet them wearing a motorcycle helmet, just like his two attackers who arrived on a motorcycle in helmets. A video shows one of the settlers drawing his weapon and firing toward Ismail's feet, likely to scare him. The two bullets did not hit him; they struck the ground and injured no one. The IDF arrived that day and fired tear gas—at the residents, of course.

A Mitsubishi jeep approaches the street where Reem lives. Its windshield is smashed, the handiwork of one of the intruders during the first attack. In Reem's backyard, through which the settlers retreated, there is a corrugated metal wall spray-painted with the words: "Nekama. Pigua" (Revenge. Terrorist Attack). The graffiti is in red and, of course, in Hebrew. No one has erased it so far.

The love for AI is embarrassing. I mean the whole thing is but wtf.

"Our latest investigation exposes a British man who fought for the Israeli army in Gaza when war crimes appear to have been committed.

Jonathan Burman, who is in his mid-20s and from Manchester, posted photographs on his Instagram account showing him fighting in Khan Younis early in the conflict.

Newly discovered images show Burman standing in front of a primary school in Gaza that had been set on fire, as a fellow soldier smiles beside him.

Will the UK government investigate dual nationals who fought for Israel during a genocide?

This is an updated version of a previous post"

SOURCE : https://x.com/declassifiedUK/status/2110672573063217616